Although the author said what future changes there will be, I would still like to suggest some things.
1. Add more role and autonomy to Alexander Kerensky. Firstly, his ability allows him to convene a constituent assembly already in July and makes the game in its current form too easy for the SRs. Secondly, Kerensky was originally a Trudovik and became a SR only when it became "hype", his contemporaries described him as a bright populist, who, among other things, strove for dictatorship/power. And, naturally, given his position in the provisional government, he did not exactly obey the Central Committee of the SR Party. However, he was the only representative of the first cabinet of the provisional government who was not only a socialist, but also a member of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. That is, he was an extremely important and autonomous figure in all cabinets of the government.
Thirdly, today we know that he actually tried to secretly negotiate with Kornilov so that he would "help" him establish "order" in Petrograd, just as the movement of General Krymov's regiment to Petrograd to defeat the Soviets was agreed upon with Kerensky. However, in the end they could not come to a consensus on how power would be distributed after the liquidation of the Soviets and the Bolsheviks. Therefore, in the end, Kerensky publicly announced Kornilov's plans and declared him a counter-revolutionary and a traitor. It seems to me that this is a rather important episode that can be used in the game - for example, add the possibility that they will come to an agreement, due to which Kornilov's forces will be significantly stronger, for example. Or make it possible to organize their agreements for the Kadets.
2. For the Kadets, inviting socialists to the government gives practically nothing. This does not significantly increase the legitimacy of the provisional government and de facto only harms the player. So it is necessary to either improve the benefits for inviting socialists to the government, or increase the risks.
3. Make it possible to somehow negotiate or interact with moderate Bolsheviks. Kamenev and Zinoviev, members of the Bolshevik Central Committee, literally openly spread plans for an armed uprising of the Bolsheviks as a sign of disagreement with this plan. If we are not talking about a split in the Bolsheviks, then at least about postponing their plans due to possible sabotage by moderate Bolsheviks. For example, a decrease in the loyalty of part of the garrison to the Bolsheviks because of this or something like that.
4. Add events with the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic. Firstly, it was here that moderate Bolsheviks like Kamenev thought to find a peaceful development of the revolution, and the Bolshevik Central Committee was de facto divided in two on this issue. Secondly, an important reason for its failure was the reduction of its originally intended rights due to lobbying by the right in the government, which ultimately led the moderate Bolsheviks to defeat in the party on this issue. In general, at least, I think this is an interesting mechanic for Kadets, where we can decide how much power to give this, how to form it, etc. And this can delay the Bolsheviks' rise to power in the Soviets and their attempts at rebellion.
5. Add events about the Factory committee "fabkom".
6. Add an event for questions about the return of the death penalty in civilian life and at the front, and the abolition of military courts. The death penalty was abolished after the February Revolution. And the idea of its return was actively promoted by Kornilov, who in July 1917 was actually appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army by the Provisional Government. After his appointment, the death penalty returned, deserters began to be shot, and discipline in the army increased. However, his attempted putsch in August and removal from office led to the "return" of low discipline in the army and its further decomposition and fall.
7. Add an event for the purge of the generals by the Octobrist Guchkov. Guchkov carried out a purge of the generals. Formally, to increase the efficiency of the army, but de facto, he replaced a solid part of the really competent generals with loyal newcomers - who would be faithful to the provisional government and the revolution. Unlike the German revolution, in Russia even such rightists as the Octobrists saw the top generals of the army as a "citadel of reaction".
8. Add an event for the "Declaration of the Rights of the Soldier", which was introduced by the Minister of War Alexander Kerensky in May 1917.
9. An important reason for the seizure of land by peasants were armed deserters from the February Revolution, who literally initiated land seizures with weapons. So the growth of discipline/morale in the army should, in theory, reduce the frequency of the event for the peasants seizing land.
10. Add an event on the lynching of officers by soldiers and sailors in the army after the February Revolution. The Provisional Government called this "excesses", but it continued like an avalanche throughout the entire period before the October Revolution and partly after. The point is that, on the one hand, non-Soviet authorities had no influence on the soldiers who organized lynchings, but the Soviets did and sometimes really tried to at least stop it (punishing lynchers in such a situation, of course, was out of the question), which sometimes succeeded. Because revolutionary sailors and some revolutionary soldiers killed not only their officers, but also deliberately went to other units to kill officers in principle. And where the officers seemed "revolutionary" or at least decent, they were protected by their own soldiers-subordinates from such "organizers of excesses". The idea is that if we are for the Socialist Revolutionaries or Mensheviks and try to stop the murders of officers, then the discipline/morale of the army does not fall (or even grows), but the loyalty/support of the soldiers to the parties that are now in the executive committee of the Soviets falls. For the Kadets, add the possibility of perhaps "convincing" the loyal Soviet to do something about it, if we have good relations with the parties that are there in the executive committee.
11. Add relations with the conservatives for the Kadets, otherwise it is unclear when relations improved enough to come to an agreement with them.
12. Make an event for the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies
13. Make an event-addition to the July days, where the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet announced the recognition of the unlimited powers of the second coalition Provisional Government, whose Minister-Chairman was the socialist Alexander Kerensky. This is what happened in history.